Fortress Europe: Immigration
By Tony BarberPublished: June 14 2011 21:48
.
 |
| Tension: Would-be immigrants wait in Lampedusa, a small Italian island that has seen an influx of refugees after the popular uprisings in Northern Africa and the Middle East |
At an austere army barracks in southern Malta that serves as a detention centre for illegal immigrants, Abdur Rahman, a young Somali, describes the turbulent journey that took him almost 5,000km from the Horn of Africa to the smallest country in the European Union.
“First I went by truck from Somalia to Libya. Then I went in a boat. It was going to Italy. But the boat was in trouble. We were picked up and brought to Malta,” says Mr Rahman, the son of a policeman. “I have been here two months. The military treat us well. My main problem is that I’m separated from my wife.”
But across the southern Mediterranean island there are 5,000-6,000 refugees – a large number for a state whose existing population barely exceeds 400,000, and testimony to the fact that unauthorised or “irregular” immigration is, next to the eurozone debt crisis, the most urgent problem facing the 27-nation EU.
From the Greek-Turkish border in the east to the Spanish-owned Canaries off the west coast of Africa to the Italian island of Lampedusa, the arrival of tens of thousands of refugees from places as far-flung as Eritrea, Iraq, Afghanistan and Bangladesh is testing to the limit the EU’s principles of solidarity, burden-sharing and protection of human rights. Countries in northern, western and central Europe are reluctant to take in more than token numbers of illegal immigrants who arrive in the bloc’s southern and south-eastern frontier states.
While the eurozone’s troubles are driving governments, in fits and starts, towards closer economic integration, the asylum-seekers and economic migrants arriving from outside the bloc threaten to create the opposite reaction, putting at risk the commitment to the free movement of people enshrined in the Schengen agreement. “The eurozone crisis is being met with more Europe. The immigration crisis is being met with less Europe,” says Joseph Muscat, leader of Malta’s opposition Labour party.
Some experts say these apocalyptic visions distort reality. “We must anticipate an increase in the arrival of boats on European shores. Yet one element is certain: it is most likely that the influx will not exceed current capacity,” says Peter Widermann, head of the International Centre for Migration Policy Development, a group founded in 1993 by Austria and Switzerland to promote “innovative, comprehensive and sustainable migration policies”.
About 100,000 people crossed illegally into the EU between early 2010 and early 2011, according to official data. This equals 0.02 per cent of the bloc’s 500m population. But the uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia, the outbreak of civil war in Libya and the endemic instability of many sub-Saharan countries raise the prospect of an unending, unstoppable tide of immigrants – a theme exploited by populist, ultra-right political parties that have made substantial gains in elections across western Europe in the past 10 years, recently in Finland and Sweden.
As a result, mainstream politicians feel obliged to sound tougher than ever on the need for tight border controls. “We can’t just accept a flow of hundreds of thousands or millions of people into southern Europe and then coming beyond that,” says William Hague, the UK foreign secretary.
According to Clandestino, an EU research project that compiles data on irregular migration, ignorance and prejudice pervade certain countries. In France, it says: “Public opinion is informed by fearful and erroneous images of a flood of irregular migrants, often portrayed as an invasion, and of a form of religious fundamentalism that allegedly aims to insidiously convert the French population.”
Such arguments do not go down well in Italy and Malta, the nations most exposed to the boats from Africa. “All these refugees should leave Malta. Malta is not in a position to integrate these people,” says Carm Mifsud Bonnici, justice minister. “What can Malta do? We cannot expand the size of our island. In the time of the Knights of St John [from 1530 to 1798], there were only 20,000 people here. Now there are 400,000.
Whatever we do, we are at our limits.”
Joseph Cassar, director of Malta’s Jesuit Refugee Service, which assists irregular immigrants, agrees that “Malta’s capacity to absorb and integrate these people effectively is limited”. But he points out the human tragedies behind the numbers.
“Some people have been beaten and practically forced on to the boats. We’ve met them and heard their stories. Many have been in Libyan jails and detention centres for months or even years. Or they have been in the hands of smugglers, who run their own centres and collect people to hand on to the next set of smugglers,” he says.
Government ministers in Italy and Malta blame Muammer Gaddafi, the Libyan leader, for the recent rise in the number of boats arriving. Often, these vessels are barely seaworthy and packed with west Africans as well as Somalis and Eritreans. They contend that the Gaddafi regime is seeking to sow discord among EU countries, some of which are carrying out air strikes on his forces, by making Africans board boats for Europe.
Even so, as in many policy areas, governments are often unable to resist the temptation to blame EU institutions for failing to solve the problem. Where immigration is concerned, this means pointing the finger at Frontex, the EU border control agency.
.
. . .
.
Frontex headquarters are in Warsaw, far from the heart of Europe’s refugee crisis. But that does not stop Ilkka Laitinen, the agency’s executive director, delivering a robust defence of its operations.
Interviewed at an event in the Polish capital ceremoniously styled the European Day for Border Guards, the soft-spoken Finn observes: “There are two persistent illusions. One, that border control is the panacea that solves all irregular immigration and cross-border crime. Two, that Frontex is responsible for controlling the EU’s borders.”
As he points out, border control remains overwhelmingly the responsibility of each government. The annual Frontex budget is just over €100m, increased this year from €88m but still a drop in the ocean compared with the tens of billions the EU spends on regional aid programmes and agricultural subsidies. When Frontex sets up an operation to tighten border controls, as it did on the Greek-Turkish frontier last year, it needs member states to provide everything from helicopters and vessels to thermal vision equipment.
“Frontex can offer added value – good risk analysis. Training is important. We can encourage best practice. We can stimulate mutual trust,” Mr Laitinen says. “But the vast bulk of border control measures are taken by the member states themselves, in terms of personnel, equipment and financing.
We at Frontex can’t even begin to compare our tiny budget with theirs.”
The Frontex operation in Greece has produced mixed results. Before its launch, about 350 people a day were detected attempting to cross from Turkey. None were Turks; many came from Afghanistan, Africa, the Middle East and Russia. By April, Frontex had brought the number down to 50 or 60. Now, however, it has crept up to between 100 and 150.
Cecilia Malmström, EU home affairs commissioner, says Greece’s debt crisis has harmed its ability to cope with irregular migrants. “To defend the borders is a matter of resources, and they lack that today. Member states are really trying to assist.
All are present to some extent – administrators, experts and so on. But it takes time. There is a huge backlog of asylum-seekers. By the end of last year, it was 60,000. Probably more now.”
Greece’s stretched resources partly account for the increasing strains on the Schengen accord, a cornerstone of integration that permits border-free travel among 22 EU nations plus Iceland, Norway and Switzerland. Though they have fulfilled technical requirements for entry, Bulgaria and Romania were blocked this month from joining the system, largely because of French and German resistance. The underlying problem lies in Greece; the inclusion of these countries would create a land bridge for illegal immigrants to cross from there to the rest of the EU. “Until Greece has proper control of its borders, Bulgaria and Romania won’t be admitted to Schengen,” says a EU diplomat.
.
.
Still more threatening in its implications for Schengen was an initiative launched in April by Nicolas Sarkozy, French president, and Silvio Berlusconi, Italian premier, to revise the rules so that border controls could be re-established in certain circumstances. The proposal arose after France expressed anger with Italy for issuing temporary residence papers to thousands of French-speaking Tunisian refugees who had arrived in Italy but wanted to move to France, where many had relatives and friends.
Last month the anti-Schengen mood spread to Denmark, whose government announced plans to reinstate border controls. At face value, it appeared a significant concession to the populist, anti-immigrant Danish People’s party, which seized almost 14 per cent of the vote in the 2007 national election and provides essential parliamentary support for the government. But Ms Malmström thinks the true picture may be less alarming. “It was a political decision, but not a piece of legislation. We’re in discussions with the Danish government,” she says.
..
. . .
.
Perhaps the most sensitive and least discussed aspect of the problem is that, according to many experts, the EU will need more immigrants in coming decades to compensate for ageing populations and low birth rates. Peter Sutherland, the UN secretary-general’s special representative for migration, wrote in the European Voice newspaper last month that the bloc should find ways to deter uncontrolled mass North African immigration and attract legal migrants. “We should seriously consider liberalising trade regimes, opening new avenues for legal migration, and vastly expanding the number of students from the region who come to Europe for education and professional training.”
No one is more aware than Ms Malmström of the obstacles to such a proposal. “When I meet ministers responsible for labour policies, they almost all speak of the need for immigrant workers – and it’s true, we need hundreds of thousands, millions in the long term. But when the ministers go and speak in front of their national publics, this message is not to be heard at all.”
She concedes: “The need for immigrants is hard to explain in a climate of high unemployment, riots in the streets, financial crisis and people in extreme difficulties.”
Back in Malta, politicians such as Mr Muscat concur whole-heartedly. Yes, there are long-term demographic pressures in Europe, he says. “But it doesn’t comfort anyone here in Malta who is on the front line.”
BRITISH APPROACH
Refugee crossings ‘knock back any thought migrants can be positive’
When Theresa May inspected border controls and security at the Channel tunnel in Calais last week, the inevitable focus of Britain’s home secretary was on north Africans fleeing the “Arab spring” unrest.
Ever since the establishment of the nearby Sangatte refugee camp in the 1990s, the French end of the tunnel has been linked in the UK public mind with immigration. Sangatte is a constant source of illegal migration into Britain and a headache for ministers.
Although the UK is not part of the European Union’s Schengen agreement on borderless travel, it has long been an attractive destination for migrants and has been criticised for lax asylum rules. Ms May said she wanted to co-operate with France to ensure that north Africans did not try to come to Britain – though her Home Office says there has been no significant increase in people from countries such as Libya or Syria seeking to enter Britain.
But even without any influx, the toughening stance on immigration in continental Europe could influence the policies of the UK government, which is already pursuing an active – and contentious – clampdown on arrivals. That is intended to reduce annual inward migration from hundreds of thousands to tens of thousands.
Julia Onslow-Cole, head of the immigration practice at PwC Legal, an offshoot of the consulting firm, reckons that tensions on the Continent will have a “big effect” on the UK debate, bolstering those pushing for a cut in migrant numbers against opponents who argue that the country needs the labour and skills that inflow delivers. “If you have lots of people crossing from Syria into Europe and potentially to the UK, it knocks back any thoughts in the minds of the public that immigration is a positive thing for the economy,” she says.
The economic effect of curbing immigration has caused concern in London’s financial sector, long a hub for global talent. The reforms affect all types of migrants, including skilled workers. Though it has made concessions to business, the governing Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition has put an annual cap of 21,700 on non-EU work visas and has pledged to reduce student visas. Last week it unveiled plans to stop temporary visa holders from applying for settlement.
The policies have sparked fears among some companies that their ability to hire staff from overseas could be restricted, which would affect their international competitiveness. Business groups are watching closely for any suggestions that the visa cap will be lowered further.
The subject is fraught with political tensions within the coalition. Events that push the issue up the political agenda might not help cohesion. “This will be a continually evolving policy in the UK,” says Ms Onslow-Cole.
Bob Sherwood
Refugee crossings ‘knock back any thought migrants can be positive’
When Theresa May inspected border controls and security at the Channel tunnel in Calais last week, the inevitable focus of Britain’s home secretary was on north Africans fleeing the “Arab spring” unrest.
Ever since the establishment of the nearby Sangatte refugee camp in the 1990s, the French end of the tunnel has been linked in the UK public mind with immigration. Sangatte is a constant source of illegal migration into Britain and a headache for ministers.
Although the UK is not part of the European Union’s Schengen agreement on borderless travel, it has long been an attractive destination for migrants and has been criticised for lax asylum rules. Ms May said she wanted to co-operate with France to ensure that north Africans did not try to come to Britain – though her Home Office says there has been no significant increase in people from countries such as Libya or Syria seeking to enter Britain.
But even without any influx, the toughening stance on immigration in continental Europe could influence the policies of the UK government, which is already pursuing an active – and contentious – clampdown on arrivals. That is intended to reduce annual inward migration from hundreds of thousands to tens of thousands.
Julia Onslow-Cole, head of the immigration practice at PwC Legal, an offshoot of the consulting firm, reckons that tensions on the Continent will have a “big effect” on the UK debate, bolstering those pushing for a cut in migrant numbers against opponents who argue that the country needs the labour and skills that inflow delivers. “If you have lots of people crossing from Syria into Europe and potentially to the UK, it knocks back any thoughts in the minds of the public that immigration is a positive thing for the economy,” she says.
The economic effect of curbing immigration has caused concern in London’s financial sector, long a hub for global talent. The reforms affect all types of migrants, including skilled workers. Though it has made concessions to business, the governing Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition has put an annual cap of 21,700 on non-EU work visas and has pledged to reduce student visas. Last week it unveiled plans to stop temporary visa holders from applying for settlement.
The policies have sparked fears among some companies that their ability to hire staff from overseas could be restricted, which would affect their international competitiveness. Business groups are watching closely for any suggestions that the visa cap will be lowered further.
The subject is fraught with political tensions within the coalition. Events that push the issue up the political agenda might not help cohesion. “This will be a continually evolving policy in the UK,” says Ms Onslow-Cole.
Bob Sherwood
.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2011.
0 comments:
Publicar un comentario