How Trump has already transformed America’s courts

A generation of young, conservative federal judges could block laws from a future Democratic Congress

Kadhim Shubber in Washington 

     © FT montage / Reuters / Bloomberg /AP


When the United States Senate returned to work in early September after its summer recess, it faced a daunting in-tray. The nation’s coronavirus death toll has exceeded 1,000 people on several days this month and many of the emergency economic measures to deal with the crisis have expired.

But with the parties divided over new economic stimulus, Senate Republicans have continued instead with the quiet task that has preoccupied them for much of Donald Trump’s presidency: placing young and reliably conservative judges on the federal courts.

More than a dozen district judges have been installed into lifetime positions in September alone, part of Mr Trump’s near-record first-term tally of 217 judicial appointments.

On Saturday, the president is expected to nominate a successor to Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the liberal Supreme Court justice and only the second woman to ever serve on the high court, who died on September 18. If confirmed by the Senate as is expected, this would be his third appointment to the Supreme Court, tilting it firmly into the hands of conservatives who will have a 6-3 majority.

But even absent that decisive victory, Mr Trump’s four years in office have allowed Republican lawmakers to dramatically reshape the US judicial system by installing rightwing judges at a pace almost unmatched in American history.

Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Amy Coney Barrett is one of the potential successors to Ruth Bader Ginsburg © Matt Cashore/Notre Dame University/Reuters / Barbara Lagoa of the 11th circuit is also one of the front-runners for Ginsburg’s seat © Florida Supreme Court/AFP via Getty


Mr Trump’s judges, carefully selected for their ideological bona fides, have already begun to reshape US law in a more conservative direction on issues as wide ranging as gun control, voting rights, environmental protections, abortion and immigration.

One upshot could be a scenario where a future Congress controlled by the Democrats passes legislation on climate change or healthcare, only for conservative judges to throw out those laws on the grounds of government over-reach.


217 : Supreme Court justices, federal circuit and district judges nominated by Donald Trump, the fastest first-term rate of any president except for Jimmy Carter when the courts were being expanded


The disciplined operation for nominating judges is one of the main reasons Republicans in Congress have given Mr Trump such loyal support even amid the chaotic response to the pandemic.

Today, almost a third of all active federal judges on the US appeals courts were appointed by Mr Trump. At the district court level, the front line for civil and criminal cases, Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader, has continued to confirm Mr Trump’s appointees at a rapid clip.

“Leave no vacancy behind,” Mr McConnell said earlier this year.

Mike Davis, a former top Republican Senate judiciary staffer who helped confirm many of the president’s judicial appointees, says Mr Trump campaigned in 2016 on a promise to “transform the federal judiciary with conservative judges”.

“President Trump has absolutely delivered on that promise,” he says. “It is the most significant achievement of his first term.”

Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who died on September 18, was the second woman to ever serve on the US high court © Charles Dharapak/AP


Tilting the panels

For the vast majority of people and companies who appear in federal court, the three-judge panels that hear appeals from district courts are the final arbiters in their cases. Few cases are reheard “en banc” or by all of the judges on each of the 13 courts of appeals — known as circuit courts — and fewer still make their way up to the Supreme Court.

The impact of Mr Trump’s appointments is being felt most keenly on these key appeals courts, which Republicans have prioritised. Those randomly-selected three judge panels that determine the vast majority of appeals are now increasingly likely to have at least two conservatives interpreting the law.

The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, which covers cases heard in California and other western states, was once a liberal bastion. Under Mr Trump, its previous 11-strong majority of Democrat-appointed judges has been whittled down to just three.

In August, a three-judge panel on the ninth circuit, in a 2-1 split decision, struck down a California gun control law that outlawed weapons with high-capacity magazines. The judge writing for the majority, Kenneth Lee, was appointed by Mr Trump in 2019. 


53: Appeal court judges nominated by Trump, also the fastest first-term rate of any president except for Carter. Almost a third of all active federal judges on the US appeals courts were appointed by Trump


“Armed self-defence is a fundamental right rooted in tradition and the text of the second amendment,” Mr Lee wrote in his opinion. California’s attorney-general, Xaxier Becerra, has asked the ninth circuit to rehear the case en banc.

Elsewhere, Mr Trump’s appointees have bolstered Republican majorities on four of the 13 appeals courts, and flipped three from majority Democrat-appointed to majority Republican-appointed.

Among the courts that have flipped is the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals, which includes Florida. In 2018, voters in the state changed the Florida constitution to grant former convicts the right to vote. Republican state legislators subsequently limited the change to only those who had paid off outstanding fines.

Pro-choice activists demonstrate outside the Supreme Court in March. Abortion is one issue that typically divides liberal and conservative justices © Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty


This month, the 11th circuit upheld the move by the Republican legislators in a 6-4 en-banc decision. All but one of the judges in the majority were appointees of Mr Trump — among them Barbara Lagoa, one of the front-runners for Ginsburg’s seat on the Supreme Court.

The dizzying pace with which the Republican party machinery has engineered this shift — only Democratic president Jimmy Carter, under whom the courts were expanded to cope with a greater workload, beats Mr Trump on first-term judicial appointments — has shaken liberals.

“They have really done a number on transforming the courts,” says Lena Zwarensteyn, a campaign director at the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights. “There is a lot of damage that has to be repaired.”

For Mr Trump, it is a key part of his pitch to conservative voters as he seeks re-election this year against Joe Biden. “Hundreds of federal judges” would need to be chosen over the next four years, he said earlier this month. “The outcome of these decisions will determine whether we hold fast to our nation’s founding principles or whether they are lost forever,” he added.


Firefighters monitor a wildfire in California in August. Trump’s judicial appointees have begun to reshape US law on issues such as gun control, voting rights and environmental protections © Ringo H.W. Chiu/AP


Raft of vacancies

The transformation of the federal courts under Mr Trump has its origins in the presidency of Barack Obama.

Until 2013, Senate rules meant 60 votes were required to confirm appeals court judges. Harry Reid, then the Democratic majority leader, changed the threshold to a simple majority, citing obstruction of Mr Obama’s nominees by Republicans led by Mr McConnell. After Republicans took back the Senate in 2015, the confirmations ground to a near halt. 

Only two appeals court judges nominated by Mr Obama were confirmed by the Senate when Republicans controlled the chamber. In his entire eight years in office, Mr Obama managed 55 appeals court appointments — only two more than Mr Trump has achieved in half the time.

The strategy deployed by Mr McConnell would ultimately reach its zenith in his refusal to allow even hearings — let alone a vote — on Merrick Garland, Mr Obama’s nominee to fill the Supreme Court vacancy left by the death of Antonin Scalia in 2016.

The result was a raft of vacancies waiting to be filled when Mr Trump took office. His first confirmed appeals court judge, Amul Thapar, took up a seat on the sixth circuit in 2017 that had been empty for four years.

Unlike the Democrats before them, Republicans under Mr Trump have moved with a single-minded focus to fill court vacancies, particularly in the appeals courts.

Supporters of Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act. In eight years in office, Obama managed 55 appeals court appointments — only two more than Trump in four years © Jacquelyn Martin/AP


Don McGahn, who was Mr Trump’s first White House counsel, centralised control of the vetting and nominations process in his office. “Too many cooks in the kitchen makes for a bad meal,” he said in a speech last year.

Most of the appeals court judges selected had ties to the Federalist Society, the conservative and libertarian legal group, the New York Times reported in March. They have skewed white and male, and more ideologically hardline than those picked by previous Republican presidents.

Previous Republican presidents may have talked about “shrinking the size of government”, Mr McGahn said in his 2019 speech, given at a Federalist Society conference in Philadelphia, but they “tended to pick judges . . . who were very deferential to those wielding governmental power”.

He added: “Generally speaking, we did not.”

Expansion plan?

Democrats have been all but powerless to stop the conveyor belt of judicial appointments these past four years. The remarkable success of this project has altered the political dynamics around judicial appointments, at least to the appeals courts.

What was once a process that included some limited bipartisan agreement is now a game of a hardball where the party that controls the Senate confirms nominees from its own president, and blocks the nominees of the opposing party.

If and when Democrats retake the Senate, “they’ll say it’s time to pay the piper”, says Russell Wheeler, a Brookings Institution fellow who studies judicial nominations.

Christopher Kang, who worked in the Obama White House on judicial nominations and is now chief counsel at advocacy group Demand Justice, says the Republicans had instituted a new playbook on appointing judges. “Democrats will follow that playbook next time they’re in power,” he says.

Some Democrats are talking openly about the need to expand the Supreme Court to dilute the impact of Mr Trump’s appointments. Mr Kang says the party should go even further and increase the size of appeals courts.

“We’re going to have to be more aggressive in how we seek to restore balance,” he says.


Supreme Court Judge Brett Kavanaugh is one of two Trump nominees to the US’s highest court © Andrew Harnik/Pool/Getty


Those arguments reflect the bigger question posed by Mr Trump’s judicial appointments, whether they will significantly constrain the ability of Democratic politicians to implement laws that are opposed by conservatives, like stricter election regulation, gun controls or expanded healthcare.

Even if Mr Trump serves only one term, and Republicans lose the Senate in November, the judges installed these past four years look set to serve as a bulwark of conservative power.

“Republicans understand that the federal judiciary is the last line of defence against government over-reach and mob rule,” says Mr Davis, the former Republican Senate judiciary staffer who now runs a judicial advocacy group, the Article 3 Project.

Some see risks in the political warfare over control of the courts. Ian Bassin, a former associate White House counsel in the Obama administration, says that an independent and trusted judiciary is “a linchpin of healthy, functioning democracies”.

“History is replete with examples of countries that either never gained that or lost it because they allowed raw power grabs to capture and corrupt courts,” says Mr Bassin, who now runs a group called Protect Democracy. “Once one side does it, the other side responds in kind and the death spiral begins.”

 The corporate undead

What to do about zombie firms

Without care, measures taken during the pandemic will keep alive firms that ought to be put out of their misery


For years economists have argued about whether governments and central banks in the rich world have mistakenly prolonged the lives of “zombie firms”. 

The corporate landscape, it is said, has turned from one filled with red-blooded creatures of creative destruction to a grey zone of the living dead, incapable of innovation or dynamism. 

Now the debate has new importance. The pandemic could lead governments to prolong the life of many undeserving firms. 

Keeping the growth of the undead in check will be vital to the long-term economic recovery.

Marginally profitable firms were central to Japan’s “lost decade” in the 1990s, when banks, unwilling to recognise losses, kept credit flowing to otherwise insolvent borrowers.

Zombie-infested industries suffered from inert labour markets and lower productivity growth. Since then, the rich world as a whole has begun to look more zombified. 

In advanced economies the share of listed firms with low market capitalisations given their book value, and whose profits are insufficient to cover their interest payments, grew from around 4% in the mid-1980s to 15% in 2017, according to the Bank for International Settlements. 

The OECD reckons Italian and Spanish productivity levels would be over 1% higher were it not for the growth of zombie firms, which are alleged to have crowded out would-be rivals.

The evidence for zombification in the 2010s is incomplete: the world economy displayed few signs of capital or labour shortages, which you might expect to see more of if zombies were hoarding resources. Many firms were marginally profitable because aggregate spending was weak. 

Yet the pandemic is creating a greater risk of extra zombification. Governments have intervened in the economy on an enormous scale in order to keep firms alive. A combination of furlough schemes to reduce wage bills, state-backed loans to provide liquidity and laws or other measures to stop bankruptcies has prevented a wave of company failures. 

The danger is that, as economies emerge from the pandemic with new wants and needs, some firms that should be allowed to fail are instead kept going.

The march of the undead can be kept in check. Governments should support workers not jobs, and intervene more surgically. Furlough schemes keep workers tied to companies; it would be better to offer generous unemployment benefits. State-backed loans should not be rolled over indefinitely, but instead be subject to gradually increasing interest rates, encouraging borrowers to rely on private finance. 

If governments truly believe that the disruption to the hospitality industry will be only temporary, then their support would be justified. But because the industry will never recoup the income that it has lost during the pandemic, it will need grants, not loans—a shift that would help concentrate politicians’ minds.

Another priority is to avoid a banking crisis. Lenders with stretched balance-sheets have an incentive to keep funding their existing customers, masking past lending mistakes with yet more loans. In the short term this avoids recognising losses, in the long term they are funnelling capital to firms which squander it. 

Regulators must be alive to the risk of these zombie assembly lines. Banks should be kept as strong as possible during the pandemic, to reduce their incentive to conceal losses. That is a reason to limit their ability to pay dividends.

Last, ensure that firms can fail quickly and efficiently so that they can either be recapitalised or their assets and staff redeployed. Bankruptcy courts must be able to revive firms with reasonable prospects, or liquidate assets that can find new productive uses in other hands. 

Making the process faster and clearer will reduce the incentive of creditors to seek scorched-earth liquidations, especially for small businesses. Suspending bankruptcies for long periods, as Australia and Germany have done, is to deny reality. America, with its unsentimental approach to resolving ailing firms, sets a much better example.

All-but-indiscriminate aid to support firms and workers was a necessary feature of this year’s economic rescues, which took place amid widespread lockdowns of the economy. 

However, aid has become a threat to dynamism. As economies recover, the market should be allowed to play its proper role of determining winners and losers.

 The Transatlantic Tragedy

While today's mounting global disruptions have accelerated an ongoing shift in global power dynamics, neither China's rise nor the emergence of COVID-19 can be blamed for the West's lost primacy. The United States and the United Kingdom took care of that on their own, with a complacent Europe watching it happen.

Joschka Fischer


BERLIN – Between the intensifying Sino-American drama and the persistent COVID-19 crisis, the world is undeniably undergoing fundamental, historic change. Seemingly immutable structures built up over many decades are suddenly exhibiting a high degree of malleability, or simply disappearing altogether.

In the ancient past, today’s unprecedented developments would have put people on guard for signs of a coming apocalypse. In addition to the pandemic and geopolitical tensions, the world is also confronting the climate crisis, the balkanization of the global economy, and the far-reaching technological disruptions brought on by digitization and artificial intelligence.

Gone are the days when the West – led by the United States, with the support of its European and other allies – enjoyed unchallenged political, military, economic, and technological primacy. Thirty years after the end of the Cold War – when Germany was reunified and the US emerged as the world’s sole superpower – the case for Western leadership is no longer credible, and East Asia, with an increasingly authoritarian and nationalistic China at the helm, is moving swiftly to replace it.

But it wasn’t the escalating rivalry with China that weakened the West. Rather, the West’s decline has been driven almost entirely by internal developments on both sides of the Atlantic, particularly – though not exclusively – within the Anglo-Saxon world. 

The United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum and US President Donald Trump’s election in 2016 marked a definitive break in the transatlantic commitment to liberal values and a global rules-based order, heralding the revival of a narrow-minded fixation on national sovereignty that has no future.

The transatlantic West, a concept embodied in the establishment of NATO after World War II, was the result of the military triumph of the US and UK in the Pacific and European theaters. 

It was these two countries’ leaders who created the post-war order and its principal institutions, from the United Nations and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (the precursor to the World Trade Organization) to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. As such, the “liberal world order” – and indeed “the West” generally – was wholly an Anglo-Saxon initiative, one that victory in the Cold War further vindicated.

But in the ensuing decades, the Anglo-Saxon world’s powers have been exhausted, and many of its people have begun to long for a return to a mythical imperial golden age. The prospect of reclaiming past greatness has become a successful political slogan in both countries. 

Between Trump’s “America First” doctrine to UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s effort to “take back control,” the common denominator is a yearning to relive idealized moments of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

In practice, these slogans amount to a self-defeating reversal. The founders of an international order that enshrines democracy, the rule of law, collective security, and universal values are now dismantling it from within, thereby undercutting their own power. And this Anglo-Saxon self-destruction has created a vacuum, leading not to a new order but to chaos.

Of course, Europeans – starting with the Germans – are in no position to sit back complacently or point the finger at the Anglo-Saxons. By free-riding on security matters and simply shrugging their shoulders at persistently high trade surpluses, they, too, bear responsibility for today’s nationalist resurgence.

If the West – as an idea and as a political bloc – is to survive, something will have to change. The US and the European Union will each be weaker alone than as a united front. 

But Europeans now have no other choice but to transform the EU into a genuine power player in its own right. A deep rift has opened up between continental Europeans – who must hold on to the traditional Western construct – and increasingly nationalistic Anglo-Saxons.

After all, Brexit is not really about pragmatic questions of trade; rather, it represents a fundamental break between two value systems. More to the point, what happens if Trump is re-elected in November? 

The transatlantic West almost certainly would not survive the next four years, and NATO would probably face an existential crisis, even if Europeans increase their defense spending in response to US demands. For Trump and his followers, the money isn’t really the issue. 

Their primary concern is with American supremacy and European fealty.

By contrast, if former US Vice President Joe Biden is elected, the tone of transatlantic relations would certainly become friendlier. But there is no going back to the pre-Trump era. Even under a Biden administration, Europeans would not quickly forget the deep distrust that has been sown these past four years.

Whoever wins in November, the US will have to deal with a Europe that puts much greater stock in its own sovereignty – particularly on technological matters – than it has in the past. The cozy interdependencies of the immediate post-Cold War years are long gone.

The relationship will have to be remodeled, and both sides will need to adjust. Europe will have to do much more to safeguard its own interests, and America would do well to understand that Europe’s interests may diverge from its own.


Joschka Fischer was German Foreign Minister and Vice Chancellor from 1998-2005, a term marked by Germany's strong support for NATO's intervention in Kosovo in 1999, followed by its opposition to the war in Iraq. Fischer entered electoral politics after participating in the anti-establishment protests of the 1960s and 1970s, and played a key role in founding Germany's Green Party, which he led for almost two decades.

China Gives Unproven Covid-19 Vaccines to Thousands, With Risks Unknown

Drug company workers, government officials and others have been injected outside the usual testing process. More will be soon, bewildering experts who worry about potential ill effects.

By Sui-Lee Wee

Sinovac, a drug maker in Beijing, said more than 10,000 people in the city had been injected with its Covid-19 vaccine candidate.

Sinovac, a drug maker in Beijing, said more than 10,000 people in the city had been injected with its Covid-19 vaccine candidate.Credit...Wu Hong/EPA, via Shutterstock

First, workers at state-owned companies got dosed. Then government officials and vaccine company staff. Up next: teachers, supermarket employees and people traveling to risky areas abroad.

The world still lacks a proven coronavirus vaccine, but that has not stopped Chinese officials from trying to inoculate tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of people outside the traditional testing process. 

Three vaccine candidates are being injected into workers whom the government considers essential, along with many others, including employees of the pharmaceutical firms themselves.

Officials are laying out plans to give shots to even more people, citing emergency use, amounting to a big wager that the vaccines will eventually prove to be safe and effective.

China’s rush has bewildered global experts. No other country has injected people with unproven vaccines outside the usual drug trial process to such a huge scale.

The vaccine candidates are in Phase 3 trials, or the late stages of testing, which are mostly being conducted outside China. The people in those trials are closely tracked and monitored. It is not clear that China is taking those steps for everyone who is getting the shots within the country.

The unproven vaccines could have harmful side effects. Ineffective vaccines could lead to a false sense of security and encourage behavior that could lead to even more infections.

The wide use of vaccines also raises issues of consent, especially for employees of Chinese vaccine makers and state-owned companies who might feel pressure to roll up their sleeves. The companies have asked people taking the vaccines to sign a nondisclosure agreement preventing them from talking about it to the news media.

“My worry for the employees of the companies is it may be difficult for them to refuse,” said Dr. Kim Mulholland, a pediatrician at the Murdoch Children’s Research Institute in Melbourne, Australia, who has been involved in the oversight of many vaccine trials, including those for a Covid-19 vaccine.

A booth promoting Sinovac’s vaccine at a Beijing trade fair.Credit...Lintao Zhang/Getty Images


While China is racing the United States and other countries to develop a vaccine, its rivals are moving more cautiously. American companies have pledged to thoroughly vet a vaccine before wide use, despite pressure from President Trump to go faster. In Russia, the first country to approve a vaccine even before trials were completed, the authorities have yet to administer it to a large population, according to health officials and experts.

It is not clear how many people in China have received coronavirus vaccines. Sinopharm, a Chinese state-owned company with a vaccine candidate in late-stage trials, has said hundreds of thousands of people have received its shots. Sinovac, a Beijing-based company, said more than 10,000 people in Beijing had been injected with its vaccine. Separately, it said nearly all its employees — around 3,000 in total — and their families had taken it.

Hong Kong-based Phoenix Television said this month that its Chinese journalists had been given the Sinopharm vaccine.

Tao Lina, a vaccine expert in Shanghai, said part of the government’s motivation was to “test” the public’s willingness to take a vaccine, laying the groundwork for wider acceptance.

“I think this is our country feeling us out,” said Mr. Tao, a former immunologist at the Shanghai Center for Disease Control and Prevention. 

“That is to say, even without an epidemic, everyone should consider the possibility of a resurgence and weigh whether they want to get a shot or not.”

Engineers at a Beijing factory built by Sinovac to produce the vaccine. Credit...Wang Zhao/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


On Friday, Zheng Zhongwei, an official with China’s National Health Commission, said the government had “gained the understanding and support” of the World Health Organization after China’s cabinet approved the emergency use program. 

A spokesperson for the W.H.O. said on Saturday that China had issued a “domestic emergency use authorization,” which are issued at the discretion of countries and are not subject to W.H.O. approval.

The vaccine candidates in Phase 3 trials have been previously tested on smaller groups of people. Phase 3 involves administering a candidate and a placebo to hundreds more, to see whether they are safe to take and effective in stopping the coronavirus. 

Roughly 100,000 people are involved in those trials, based on Chinese company disclosures. Virtually all of them are in other countries, however, because the coronavirus has been largely tamed in China.

Still, the Chinese government had already approved three vaccines for emergency use on others at home. In July, it said it would prioritize medical workers, epidemic prevention personnel, border inspection officials and people who “ensure basic city operations” to receive vaccines.

Now, it appears that those groups could be expanding.

This month, the government of Shaoyang, a city in Zhejiang Province, asked local officials to identify more people who could qualify as “emergency users.” People in schools, kindergartens and nursing homes were recommended for inclusion, as well as travelers heading to “medium- to high-risk areas.”

Other government notices have asked local officials to identify people as candidates for getting vaccinations, though it was not always clear whether they would be inoculated before or after vaccines had cleared Phase 3 trials.

Tough containment efforts appear to have tamed the virus in most parts of China. Still, outbreaks in Beijing and the far west in recent months have spooked the country’s leaders, who worry that lockdowns could disrupt the economic recovery. Chinese public health experts are also concerned that the arrival of winter and the need to keep people indoors might usher in another outbreak.

A senior Chinese official said this month that a vaccine could be made available to the public as early as November. That same day, a spokeswoman for the United Arab Emirates’ Foreign Ministry said on Twitter that the government had authorized the Sinopharm vaccine to be given to its frontline workers after successful Phase 3 trials in the Emirates.

Sinovac said nearly all of its employees and their families had taken the unproven vaccine.Credit...Tingshu Wang/Reuters


Raina MacIntyre, who heads the biosecurity program at the Kirby Institute of the University of New South Wales in Sydney, Australia, said she would not recommend the emergency use of vaccines before the conclusion of Phase 3 trials. 

AstraZeneca, the British-Swedish company, halted late-stage testing in the United States on a vaccine candidate this month after one volunteer fell seriously ill for unknown reasons.

Flawed vaccines can cause significant health problems. In 2017, children who were injected with Sanofi’s dengue vaccine became sicker. Children vaccinated against respiratory syncytial virus, or R.S.V., in the 1960s also suffered side effects, resulting in trials being scrapped.

Broad inoculation campaigns also increase the risk of getting multiple vaccines, which could have adverse effects on a person’s immune response.

“It may be three to six months before we get Phase 3 trial results — it’s not that long to wait,” Dr. MacIntyre said. “You are potentially muddying the waters for the time when we do have Phase 3 trial data for the best possible vaccine.”

Still, China may not want to wait.

In an interview with China Central Television, the state broadcaster, Mr. Zheng, the health official, said that when cold weather arrived, the government might consider expanding the scope of who qualified for emergency use, adding people who work in markets, transportation and the service industry.

“The goal is to first establish an immune barrier among special populations, so that the operations of the entire cities will have a stable guarantee,” Mr. Zheng said.

The vaccine makers and local governments stress that participation is voluntary, and many people who take the vaccines pay a considerable amount to do so. According to government notices, the vaccines would cost about $148, putting them out of reach for many in a country where 600 million people make that much in a month.

It is not clear whether recipients have been fully warned about the risks of taking an unapproved vaccine.

Dr. Mulholland, of the Murdoch institute, said he would give an experimental coronavirus vaccine only to health care workers, especially in places like Brazil, which has one of the world’s highest case counts, and continue monitoring them. “They can be educated on the potential risks,” he said.


A Sinovac lab in Beijing.Credit...Nicolas Asfouri/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


Jerome Kim, head of the International Vaccine Institute, said he would like to know whether the Chinese authorities were following up on the vaccine recipients. He worries that people might engage in risky behavior if they believe they are protected by a vaccine of unknown efficacy.

“That has all sorts of negative consequences,” Dr. Kim said. “They could be infected and not know it, or they could be spreading the infection because they are relatively asymptomatic if the vaccine partially works.”

That possibility seems not to have fazed many in China.

On a recent Tuesday, Chen Deming, a former commerce minister, boasted to a trade and investment forum in Beijing that he did not need to wear a mask because he had taken a vaccine in Phase 3 trials. “Everybody, please relax,” he said, drawing laughter and applause from the audience.

Later, in an interview on the sidelines of the event, Mr. Chen, who turns 71 this year, said that his vaccine was developed by Sinopharm and that he had developed antibodies to protect against the coronavirus. He said a third of the Commerce Ministry’s staff had joined him in applying to receive the inoculation.

“Because I go abroad sometimes, I applied to take it,” Mr. Chen told a New York Times reporter. Later, he added: “Do you want a shot, too?”


Keith Bradsher contributed reporting. Amber Wang, Claire Fu and Liu Yi contributed research.