lunes, 7 de febrero de 2011

lunes, febrero 07, 2011

EDITORIAL

European date with Arab history

Published: February 6 2011 16:49

Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive,” wrote the poet William Wordsworth of the French Revolution. Of course, he had the events of 1789 in mind – the storming of the Bastille, the abolition of the absolute monarchy, the demolition of feudal institutions, the declaration of the rights of manrather than what followed: the Terror of 1793-94 and a Europe laid waste by Napoleon’s wars of imperial conquest. Still, if Wordsworth were writing today, he would surely celebrate the political awakening of the oppressed peoples of the Arab world with as much enthusiasm as he did that of the French nation more than 200 years ago.

Such, too, should be the starting point of Europe’s response to the tumult that began in December in Tunisia and is spreading through Egypt to Jordan, Yemen and beyond. The resounding cry for freedom puts paid once and for all to the specious argument that Arab societies, unlike all others, do not yearn to throw off the chains of bondage. Moreover, the absence of religious fanaticism at the heart of the uprisings undermines the claim that to dismantle repressive Arab regimes is merely to hand power to murderous extremists.

For sure, the French Revolution, not to mention the 1917 Russian Revolution, are a reminder that the intoxicating aromas of political and civic liberty can all too quickly be replaced by the acrid stench of the guillotine, gunfire and reaction dressed up as revolutionary idealism. The road to freedom often involves unpleasant detours: excessive nationalism, economic distress, border conflicts, even civil war. But Europe must not lose sight of the reward that lies at the end of this road – a far more trusting and constructive relationship with north African and Middle Eastern neighbours whose governments at long last treat their peoples with dignity.

One model in this respect is Turkey, a thriving democracy which, as the process of political and economic modernisation has gained pace, has emerged with a government of a mildly Islamic hue that remains a valuable regional partner. One can debate whether the insistence of certain European Union governments on denying Turkey full EU membership is folly or hard-headed realism. But it is by no means impossible that Arab countries with an entrepreneurial middle class, such as Egypt and Tunisia, will – with European helpevolve in the direction of Turkish-style political pluralism and economic progress.

To some extent EU governments can be guided by the precedent of the anti-communist revolutions of 1989-91 in central and eastern Europe. Clearly, countries such as the three Baltic states, the former Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland had far more in common with western Europe than do Algeria, Libya and Syria. The two great prizes of admission to the EU and Nato cannot be offered to any Arab state. But this by no means leaves European governments helpless.

Those Arab countries that courageously take up the cause of reform now face a long period in which they must strengthen, or construct from scratch, free political institutions, civic life and the rule of law. A business culture stripped of political corruption and military influence is essential. Here, Europe has vast experience, having developed aid programmes at EU and national level, and having created institutions such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development to put central and eastern Europe on the path to democracy and a market economy. Working with the US, Canada, Turkey and other allies, the EU should engage in similar initiatives to strengthen an independent judiciary, competitive political parties, small and medium-sized businesses, free media and civic groups in the Arab world.

Unfortunately, the EU’s foreign policy mechanisms in their present form show few signs of being up to the task. The Union for the Mediterranean, a 43-member body incorporating the 27 EU states and 16 Balkan, north African and Middle Eastern partners, has made little impact since its launch in 2008. The EU’s new diplomatic corps, known as the External Action Service, was slow off the mark in responding to the Arab ferment. Nor did it help that France’s initial reaction to Tunisia’s upheaval was to offer the old autocrat assistance in restoring public order.

But EU governments can learn from these missteps. Their call for a quick, decisive but orderly transition of power in Egypt, and their readiness to help in preparing free elections, are positive signs. Now carefully designed, longer-term plans are required to ensure that Europe keeps abreast of the tide of Arab history.

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