lunes, 26 de abril de 2010

lunes, abril 26, 2010
Time to take Wall Street out of Washington

By Robert Reich

Published: April 25 2010 19:34

Washington’s relationship with Wall Street is growing more schizophrenic by the day. On the one hand, Congress is trying to show how tough it can be on the financial sector by enacting a law ostensibly designed to prevent another near-meltdown and taxpayer-supported bail-out. As the mid-term election looms, a staggering number of Americans remain unemployed or underemployed. Most blame Wall Street, whose top bankers are raking in almost as much money as they did before the crisis. The lawsuit launched by the Securities and Exchange Commission against Goldman Sachs for alleged fraud only confirms the view held by many that the economic game is rigged.

On the other hand, both parties are going to Wall Street seeking campaign donations to fund critically important television advertising in the months ahead. In recent years, the financial industry has become the second-biggest source of campaign contributions in America – just behind the healthcare industry. Even as Congress debates legislation to tame it, Wall Street is conducting a bidding war between the parties for its continued beneficence. More than 60 per cent of the $34m given by the financial industry to fund the 2010 elections has so far gone to Democrats, but since January it has switched to the Republican camp. In January and February, Citigroup, Goldman , JPMorgan Chase and Morgan Stanley donated twice as much to Republicans as to Democrats.

It is hard to bite the hands that feed you, especially when you are competing for food. The finance reform bill emerging from Senate Democrats takes a hard line in many respectsrequiring that most derivatives be traded on open exchanges where buyers can see what they are getting and sellers have adequate capital, establishing an agency to protect unwary consumers from predatory lending, and giving the government authority to wind down the activities of banks that get themselves into trouble. Democrats point to these and other features as evidence of their willingness to be strict with Wall Street, despite their dependence on its generosity.

But the American public has no independent means of judging how tough the bill is. Most people do not understand the intricacies of finance, and still do not know exactly what Wall Street did to bring the economy to the brink. The dependence of both parties on the financial industry for political support inevitably feeds suspicions that the bill is not nearly tough enough. Questions are being asked. Why are so-calledcustomisedderivatives exempted from the exchanges? Does this not create a big loophole? Why does the bill not limit the size of banks so none can again becometoo big to fail”? Why is the Glass-Steagall Act – which once separated commercial from investment bankingnot being fully restored? Why does the bill not separate investment banking from the private banking and wealth management activities that got Goldman into trouble?

It does not help that in recent months both parties have held at least three-dozen fundraising events with Wall Street bankers and their lobbyists. Harry Reid, the Democratic Senate majority leader, has trekked to Wall Street cup in hand, while in February and March the National Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee invited financial industry executives to pony up $10,000 each for the chance to confer with Republican senators.

Tight connections between Washington and Wall Street are nothing new, of course, especially when it comes to Goldman. Hank Paulson ran the bank before becoming George W. Bush’s Treasury secretary. Robert Rubin followed the same trajectory under Bill Clinton, then returned to Wall Street to head Citigroup’s executive committee. Dick Gephardt, the former Democratic House leader, lobbies for Goldman. Some 250 former members of Congress are now lobbying on behalf of the financial industry. President Barack Obama himself received nearly $15m from Wall Street during his 2008 campaign, of which almost $1m came from Goldman employees and their families.

Politicians cannot continue to have it both ways. The close nexus between Washington and Wall Street is eroding trust in government. This has already helped spawn the so-calledTea Party movement” of disaffected Republicans and many Democrats are no less cynical.

If Washington knew what was good for it and the nation, it would sever its financial connections with Wall Street. Better yet, it would enact legislation seeking to limit the impact of private and corporate money in politics. That goal is made more difficult to achieve by a grotesque recent Supreme Court decision holding that corporations, including financial firms, have the right to spend unlimited amounts on political campaigns. But there are ways around this, such as more generous public funding for candidates that choose not to take private contributions. Hopefully as well, the president will nominate Supreme Court justices who understand the importance of public trust in democratic institutions, and the difference between companies and people.

The writer, a former US labour secretary, is professor of public policy at the University of California at Berkeley and author of the forthcoming Aftershock: The Next Economy and America’s Future

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2010

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