UNDER FRIENDLY VENEER, CHINA PUSHES BACK ON OBAMA / THE NEW YORK TIMES ( RECOMMENDED READING )

November 18, 2009

Under Friendly Veneer, China Pushes Back on Obama

By HELENE COOPER and EDWARD WONG

BEIJING — President Obama made a big effort Tuesday at presenting his first visit to China as a step forward in America’s evolving relationship with its fastest rising competitor. But what emerged after six hours of meetings, two dinners, and a stilted 30-minute presentation to the press in which Chinese President Hu Jintao would not allow questions, was a picture of a China more willing to say no to the United States.

On everything from Iran, where Mr. Hu did not publicly discuss the possibility of sanctions, to currency, where he made no nod toward changing the value of the renminbi, to human rights, where a joint statement bluntly acknowledged that the two countries “have differences,” China held firm against most American demands. Combined with China’s micro-management of Mr. Obama’s appearances inside the country, the trip showcased China’s ability to push back against American pressure, analysts said.

“China effectively stage-managed President Obama’s public appearances, got him to make statements endorsing Chinese positions of political importance to them, and effectively squelched discussions of contentious issues such as human rights and China’s currency policy,” said Eswar Prasad, a China specialist at Cornell University. “In a master-stroke, they shifted the public discussion from the global risks posed by Chinese currency policy to the dangers of loose monetary policy and protectionist tendencies in the U.S.”

White House officials maintained that they got what they came for — the beginning of a needed give-and-take with a surging economic giant. With a civilization as ancient as China’s, they argued, it would be counterproductive — and remniscent of Mr. Obama’s predecessor, George W. Bush—for Mr. Obama to come to Beijing with loud chest-beating that might alienate the Chinese. Mr. Obama, they insisted, had made his points during private meetings and one-on-one sessions.

“I do not expect, and I can speak authoritatively for the President on this, that we thought the waters would part and everything would change over the course of our almost two and a half day trip to China,” said Robert Gibbs, the White House spokesman. “We understand there’s a lot of work to do and that we’ll continue to work hard at making more progress.”

Several China experts noted that Mr. Obama is not leaving Beijing empty-handed. The two countries put out a five-point joint statement pledging to work together on a range of issues. The statement calls for regular exchanges between Mr. Obama and Mr. Hu, and asks that each side pay more attention to the strategic concerns of the other. The statement also pledges to work in partnership on economic issues, Iran, and climate change.

But despite a conciliatory tone that began weeks ago — Mr. Obama declined to meet the Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, before visiting China to avoid offending the leadership here before his trip — it remains a question whether Mr. Obama made progress on the most pressing policy matters on the American agenda in China or elsewhere in Asia.

The president has had to fend off criticism from American conservatives that he appeared to soften the American position on the positioning of troops on the Japanese island of Okinawa, and for bowing to the Japanese emperor. At a regional conference in Singapore, Mr. Obama announced a setback on another top foreign policy priority, climate change, acknowledging that comprehensive agreement to fight global warming was no longer within reach this year.

Past American presidents have usually insisted in advance on some concrete deliverables from their trips overseas. President George W. Bush received vigorous endorsements of his top foreign policy priority — the global war on terror — during his visits to Beijing, and President Bill Clinton guided China toward entry into the World Trade Organization after prolonged negotiations. When either of those presidents visited the country, China often made a modest concession on human rights as well.

This time, Mr. Hu declined to follow the lead of Russia’s President Dimitri A. Medvedev, who, after months of massaging by the Obama administration, now says that he is open to tougher sanctions against Iran if negotiations fail to curb Iran’s nuclear program. The administration needs China’s support if tougher sanctions are to be approved by the Security Council. During the joint press appearance in Beijing on Tuesday, Mr. Hu, standing next to Mr. Obama, made no mention of sanctions.

Rather, he said, that it was “very important” to “appropriately resolve the Iranian nuclear regime through dialogue and negotiations.” And then, as if to drive home that point, Mr. Hu added: “During the talks, I underlined to President Obama that given our differences in national conditions, it is only normal that our two sides may disagree on some issues.”

White House officials acknowledged that they didn’t get what they wanted from Mr. Hu on Iran, but said that Mr. Obama’s method will yield more in the long term. “We’re not looking for them to lead or change course, we’re looking for them to not be obstructionist,” one administration official said.

Mr. Obama did not appear to move the Chinese on currency issues, either. China has come under heavy pressure, not only from the United States but also from Europe and several Asian countries, to revise its policy of keeping the renminbi pegged at an artificially low value against the dollar to help promote its exports. Some economists say China must take that step to prevent the return of giant trade and financial imbalances that may have contributed to the recent financial crisis.

Mr. Obama on Tuesday cited China’s “past statements” in support of shifting toward market-oriented exchange rates, implying that he had not extracted a fresh commitment from China to move in that direction soon.

There is a sheaf of reasons why the White House might heed China’s clear desire for a visit free of the polemics that often accompany meetings between leaders of the two countries. Mr. Obama’s foreign policy is rooted in recasting the United States as a thoughtful listener to friends and rivals alike, and not simply for image -burnishing. “No we haven’t made China a democracy in three days—maybe if we pounded our chest a lot that would work,” Mr. Gibbs said in an email Tuesday night. “But it hasn’t in the last 16 years.”

Kenneth Lieberthal, a Brookings Institution scholar who oversaw China issues in President Clinton’s White House, agreed. “The United States actually has enormous influence on popular thinking in China, but it is primarily by example,” he said. “If you go to the next step and say, ‘You guys ought to be like us,’ you lose the impact of who you are.”

Mr. Obama clearly is calculating that his muted approach will net results that lecturing failed to achieve. “It’s much too early to know what the ultimate impact will be,” Mr. Lieberthal said, but it is also much too early to dismiss the approach as flawed.

National Security Council Spokesman Michael A. Hammer added: “What we did come to do is speak bluntly about the issues which are important to us, not in an unnecessarily offensive manner, but rather in the Obama style of showing respect.”

Mr. Obama, while projecting a tone of conciliation, has also needled the Chinese on some delicate issues.

On Tuesday, standing next to Mr. Hu, Mr. Obama brought up Tibet, where Beijing-backed authorities have clamped down on religious freedom. “While we recognize that Tibet is part of the People’s Republic of China, the United States supports the early resumption of dialogue between the Chinese government and representatives of the Dalai Lama to resolve any concerns and differences that the two sides may have,” he said.

Sharon LaFraniere contributed reporting.



Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company